The
Deliberate Attack on the Gaspee
Right: "The Burning of the Gaspee" by Dolan. Courtesy of the Gaspee Days Committee
It has often been surmised by historians that the attack on HMS Gaspee was occasioned by the combination of Rhode Island colonists angry at the British revenue schooner interrupting free trade in Narragansett Bay, and the fortuitous grounding of the King's vessel giving opportunity for its destruction. But was this really a coincidence? What is presented here is an examination of the evidence that the destruction of the Gaspee had actually been deliberately planned well ahead of time.
The Gaspee Affair
The HMS Gaspee was the local
representative
of a class of relatively small and fast revenue schooners that the
Royal
Navy purchased from various American shipbuilders to enforce maritime
law
and trade regulations along the East coast. She took up station in
Newport
sometime in February 1772 and lost no time in making her presence known
by stopping, searching, and seizing ships that were suspected of
carrying
illicit or untaxed cargoes. Lieutenant William Dudingston and his crew
were considered particularly heavy-handed in performing their duties,
plundering
Rhode Island ships and cargos, and stealing cattle and supplies from
coastal
communities up and down Narragansett Bay. As related in
Judge William Staples' Documentary History of the Destruction of
the
Gaspee
<http://www.gaspee.org/StaplesGaspee.htm
p.67>, the revenue schooner captured a
packet
sloop of rum and proceeded to beat up the vessel's hapless captain,
Rufus
Greene. These representatives from the Royal Navy had no respect for
the
colonists, and the captured vessel, Fortune, and her cargo were
sent up to Boston as a customs prize. Since Rhode Island law
required
local adjudication of such matters, the local citizenry were incensed,
a lawsuit was initiated by the Greenes for illegal seizure, and a
warrant
was issued for Dudingston's arrest.
The highlights of the Gaspee Affair
are
well known in Rhode Island history. The Gaspee, while chasing
the
packet sloop,
Hannah, captained by Benjamin Lindsey, suspected of smuggling,
was lured aground
at Namquid Point (now Gaspee Point) in Warwick. On the night of June
9/10th,
1772, Rhode Island patriots met at Sabin's Tavern in Providence, and
from
there rowed down the Providence River and attacked, set fire to, and
destroyed
the Gaspee, and wounded her captain, Lieutenant William
Dudingston. Despite a
sizable
reward having been offered, efforts of the Crown to learn the names of
the
culprits
were unsuccessful. Public sentiment was in accord with the venture; and
this spirit of unity soon spread to the other colonies with the
formation
of the Committees of Correspondence to assess further threats. It was
but
a short step from here to the First Continental Congress and eventually
the Declaration of Independence.
Some historians have apparently not realized the important connection
between the Gaspee Affair and the establishment of the Committees of
Correspondence. Thomas Jefferson3, a member of the
Virginia Houses
of Burgess at the time recollects the relationship perfectly, and
further cites that the distasteful reaction of the British to the
Gaspee Affair also led the Virginia House leadership to directly
consider at that time what was to become the First Continental Congress
as well.
Let's
get some things straight. New
Hampshire, North
Carolina and other states have on occasion made similar claims that
their locales hosted the first armed insurrection by American Colonists
against the British. Even Rhode Island has two such claims of mob
action against unfair British policies, such as the burning of
the the customs sloop,
Liberty in Newport harbor in 1768. BUT, what
makes the Gaspee Affair unique and so important is that the British
response to the attack by setting up a kangaroo court to send suspects
to England for trial, set off a documented chain of reaction by the
Virginia House of Burgess (followed quickly by all the other Colonies)
to restart standing Committees of Correspondence, which then led to the
1st Continental Congress, which led to the second, and so forth.
To discuss this in more detail, consider that the American Colonists
considered themselves as having the same rights as all Englishmen had
throughout the realm of the British Empire. Among such rights,
generally given by the Magna Carta were the rights to a trial by a jury
of peers, and the right to a local
trial. The British commission of
inquiry on the Gaspee Affair bypassed local courts. Its authority
granted it by King George III of sending suspects out of the local area
directly to England for trial, would make defense impossible. Local
Colonial courts, long accustomed to judicial independence, tended to
side with the defendant in any action against the Crown; British courts
would not. But if sent away for trial, persons charged with crimes
would
find it hard to have witnesses to help prove their innocence. The
leadership of the American colonies, long incenced over 'unfair
taxation without representation' issues, immediately recognized this
action by the British in Rhode Island as a serious threat to the
rights and liberties they had considered inalienable. Immediate
action was necessary, and the Committees of Correspondence was but the
first of these actions.
The Sons of Liberty
Left:
Portrait of Samuel Adams by Copley.
Revolutionary furor had been brewing in the American colonies since before the Stamp Acts in 1764, and no less so in Rhode Island where the profitable mercantile shipping business had become particularly sensitive to British trade laws. The Sons of Liberty was a loosely organized group first formed in the New York and Boston Areas, and composed largely of newspaper publishers and other influential men of standing. Their intent was to incite the public against the Stamp Act, which threatened the livelihoods of publishers by making their newspapers and books taxed so heavily that most people would not be able to afford buy them. The Sons of Liberty were particularly noted for acts of violent intimidation, such as the tarring and feathering of tax collectors. After the repeal of the Stamp Act, men like Samuel Adams kept the concept going by using the Sons of Liberty as cover to incite further rebellion against subsequent British tax and customs laws. The concept of the Sons of Liberty took hold in all of the thirteen colonies.1
Left:
Published pamphlet of Downer's Discourse in 1768. RI Historical Society
Collection
We can ascertain from letters kept at the Rhode
Island Historical Society there were local branches of the Sons of
Liberty in Providence, Newport, and Portsmouth <RIHS Manuscripts
XII>. Unfortunately, the letters to and from branches of the
Sons of Liberty were addressed only as "The Sons of Liberty in
Providence" with no specific person's name attached; but, apparently,
the local postmaster knew who to deliver the mail to. Lovejoy cites
that wealthy and
influential Providence merchant John Brown, who led the attack on the
Gaspee was a member of the Sons of Liberty. <Lovejoy, p120>
Prominent Sons of Liberty member Silas Downer is known to have given a
famous speech to the Providence
chapter of the Sons of Liberty at the dedication of their Liberty Tree
in 1768.
|
--- UPON THIS CORNER STOOD THE SABIN TAVERN IN WHICH ON THE EVENING OF JUNE 9TH 1772 THE PARTY MET AND ORGANIZED TO DESTROY H.R.M SCHOONER GASPEE IN THE DESTRUCTION OF WHICH WAS SHED THE FIRST BLOOD IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION Right: Slate commemorative stone that is privately held, attached to an living room wall in Pawtuxet Village. |
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It was men from the ranks of the sea-faring culture of Rhode Island that were most interested in removing the obnoxious vessel. Various elements of these people from Providence had Deputy Governor Darius Sessions presented their case to Governor Joseph Wanton, then seated in the colonial capital of Newport. <Staples, p3>:
This led to a series of heated letters between Governor Wanton and Lt. Dudingston, and his superior officer, Admiral John Montagu, Commander of the Royal Navy for the northeast American coast. It is during this correspondence that Admiral Montagu let slip to Governor Wanton some interesting naval intelligence of a plot to interfere with the Gaspee: <Staples, p6> :PROVIDENCE, March 21, 1772.SIR:—The inhabitants of this town have, of late, been much disquieted in their minds, by repeated advices being brought of a schooner which for some time past hath cruised in the Narragansett Bay and much disturbed our Navigation. She suffers no vessel to pass, not even packet boats, or others of an inferior kind, without a strict examination, and where any sort of unwillingness is discovered, they are compelled to submit, by an armed force. Who he is and by what authority he assumes such a conduct, it is thought needs some inquiry, and I am requested, by a number of gentlemen of this town, on their behalf, to acquaint your Honor therewith, and that you would take the matter into consideration and, if the commander of that schooner, has not as yet made proper application and been duly authorized in his proceedings, that some proper measures be taken to bring him to account. ....
Note also that Admiral Montagu does not mention here either the HMS Beaver, a larger and more heavily armed brig, or the HMS Swan, a sloop, as being the target of Colonists' plots to attack. Both ships were also patrolling the waters around Newport at the time. He only mentions the 'King's schooner', which only applies to the HMS Gaspee. Governor Wanton was perturbed at the contemptuous attitude these British officials had for the Colony of Rhode Island, and replied in kind to Montagu <Staples, p7>:BOSTON, 6th April, 1772..... I am also informed, the people of Newport talk of fitting out an armed vessel to rescue any vessel the King's schooner may take carrying on an illicit trade. Let them be cautious what they do; for as sure as they attempt it, and any of them are taken, I will hang them as pirates. .....
Whatever the leanings of Wanton, it's obvious that he would have little direct information about any such plot. He presided in Newport, some 40 miles south of Providence where the actual plotting would later be made to rid Rhode Island of the Gaspee. Wanton was more concerned about avoiding any direct confrontation with the British that would result in the rescinding of the Colonial Charter for Rhode Island granted by King Charles II in 1663 which gave the colony unique freedoms and relative independence from the mother nation. The citizens of Providence, on the other hand, were more concerned with ensuring the freedoms of its maritime trade (and smuggling), on which so much of its burgeoning economy depended.RHODE ISLAND, May 8, 1772..... The information you have received "that the people of Newport talked of fitting out an armed vessel to rescue any vessel the King's schooner might take carrying on an illicit trade," you may be assured is without foundation, and a scandalous imposition, for upon inquiring into this matter, I cannot find that any such design was ever made, or so much as talked of, and, therefore, I hope you will not hang any of his Majesty's subjects belonging to his colony upon such false information. ....
There is also an unsigned letter of interest kept at the RI
Historical Society. While unsigned letters are difficult items
for historians, it does reveal that plots were afoot. See <UnsignedLetter.htm>
Speaking of Dudingston and the Gaspee,
the writer claims, "Great Pains
were taken to decoy Him ashore, &
when that failed they threatened to serve his Schooner in the same way
that they had done the Commrs Sloop Liberty__"
The fires that burnt the Gaspee were fueled by alcohol
It has long been acknowledged that many of the men taking part in
the attack on the Gaspee were prominent merchants from Providence.
Curious then, that in most instances, those prominent merchants also
happened to own or operate distilleries in the Providence area.
We have evidence indicating the following gentlemen were all associated
by ownership, family business interest, or occupation with both the
alcohol trade and with the plot to destroy the Gaspee:
From: Field's State of Rhode
Island. 1902., Vol II p21, in discussing the health and medical
climate of Providence at the time points out the preeminent role the
alchohol trade had:
Specific distilleries found in 1770
maps of Providence indicate still-houses belonging to Job Smith
& Sons, William Antram (the father-in-law of, and next door to
property owned by Dep. Gov. Darius Sessions), Simeon Potter Distill
House, and Nathaniel Jacobs Still House. And more distilleries
than listed no doubtedly operated in the area.
That alcohol was a driving force in the economy of Providence at the time is not surprising. Rhode Island had few other goods or natural resources with which to trade for hard currency. The triangle trade of rum for slaves for molasses for rum is well established in Rhode Island history. But it appears that importance of alcohol manufacture in the local area was politely passed over by many previous historians in retelling the Gaspee Affair. The local economy that had grown so dependent on rum and gin sales was threatened with certain strangulation had the British continued to enforce their customs duties on the free trade of molasses and alcohol. No wonder then, that these prominent citizens of Providence were willing to risk the wrath of King George III by ridding themselves of the Gaspee, perhaps fueled as much by their alcohol-driven economy as by any patriotic fervor. While John Brown and his like ilk seemed to all have profited quite nicely from the subsequent Revolution, in all fairness, one cannot easily extract the patriotic interests from the economic interests back in that time. They often were one in the same, and there really wasn't a sense of unity or country to be Patriotic to, until after the Revolution was completed.
Gaspee Attack came together smoothlyAmong the leaders of this maritime trade in Providence was the famous John Brown who had amassed a fortune in the sea trade, privateering, slave trading, and rum running. His business had been most inconvenienced by the presence of British revenue enforcement ships. He and others of the sea-mercantile were only too willing to take action against what they saw as a stranglehold to free enterprise. And, as it turns out, he also had personal experience with just how to lure the Gaspee to it's demise.
According to the Moses Brown's papers < MSS, Series II:
Subject Files, Box 3, folder 62 "Diary. Journal of voyage to
Philadelphia, 1760"., available at the RI Historical Society
Library >, Moses Brown and his
brother
John Brown were grounded on Namquid Point (now the famous Gaspee Point)
when they were on a sloop bound for Philadelphia on June 8, 1760, at
sometime
after 5 pm, not being able to be refloated until 3 am the next
morning.
Per the extremely useful McMorran's Interactive Tide Chart, <available at: http://www.low-tide.com/tide/> the high tide on June 8th, 1760 was at 3:35 pm and again on June 9th at 4:01 am. This is consistent with the story as recalled in this journal. The fact that John Brown had the experience of having ran aground at Namquid Point certainly gave him insight on the treacherous nature of this area of the Providence River. The fact that he spent the whole night aground on Namquid Point on June 8/9th, nearly the same date that the Gaspee ran around there some 12 years later, gave him plenty of time to ponder his fate, observe the actions of the tide, and familiarize himself with the area during the exact same climatic conditions that would prevail at that later time in 1772.
As was customary for the first few months, the Gaspee took on a pilot who would know the local hazards involved in navigation, but we have no record of the ship having previously traveled farther up Narragansett Bay than the North Kingstown area. Technically, Narragansett Bay proper stops north of Warwick Neck, where the water then becomes the Providence River into Providence, so perhaps Lt. Dudingston and the Gaspee had no mandate to explore further north. It is curious that the pilot for the Gaspee, one Mr. Daggett, was conveniently not on board at the time of the Gaspee's demise, as he had been discharged six weeks earlier <Staples, p.23> and transferred to HMS Beaver which was also plying Rhode Island waters for the same purposes. This is an item of detail that certainly could be found out by knowledgeable people in Newport and the fact transmitted to John Brown who had many ships in the area. The absence of a harbor pilot on board, knowledgeable about the hazards involved in passage up the Providence River, was a critical lapse in the security of the Gaspee. While it is true that during the attack on the Gaspee, Dudingston was interrogated about the whereabouts of the pilot, this easily could have been a ruse to confuse the investigation that the raiders knew would surely follow their burning one of His Majesty's warships.
From: The State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations at the End of the Century, A History, edited by Edward Field, Boston, Mason Publishing Co., 1902 Vol. II., p.505).
An important phase of the commercial development of Rhode Island was the establishing of lines of packets which plied regularly from port to port carrying freight and passengers. Joshua Hacker and Benjamin Lindsey, in 1763, had two boats running twice a week between Providence and Newport.This would have given the captain of the Hannah, Benjamin Lindsey nine years of experience with which to know the shoals and points of the Bay very well, and to have known how to lead the Gaspee aground in 1772. It is more than circumstantial that a Providence-Newport packet ship is known to have docked in Providence at the time at Fenner's Wharf, directly opposite of Sabin's Tavern, wherein the people who attacked the Gaspee met and plotted their attack. From: Stone, Edward Martin. The Life and Recollections of John Howland, Late President of the Rhode Island Historical Society. Providence, Geo. H. Whitney, 1857, p23 relates that John Howland's trip on the Newport to Providence packet in 1770 with Captain Hoysteed Hacker took a total of three and twenty minutes. While wind, tide, and ship conditions all make for variations in this time element, this timing gives us a basis to ponder.
Fellow Gaspee researcher Jeff Alexander has turned up evidence from
the New York newspaper maritime listings documenting that Benjamin
Lindsay departed New York as commander of the vessel Joseph on June 8th, 1772.
Providence newspapers relating the circumstances of the attack do not
clearly indicate the name of the ship chased up Narragansett Bay by the
Gaspee on June 9th, 1772, but
the widely circulated "A New Song
Called the Gaspee" refers to Lindsay's sloop as the Hannah. It is possible that
Lindsay changed ships once arriving in Newport from New York, or it may
well be that Lindsay simply changed the nameplate on his ship from
Joseph to Hannah in an attempt to hide his identity, given his aim to
lure the Gaspee up
Narragansett Bay in chace.
Benjamin Lindsey, the captain of the packet sloop Hannah, was certainly fortuitous in his timing when leading the Gaspee aground. Had the timing of the tides been different during the chase of the Hannah by the Gaspee up towards Providence on June 9th, 1772, Lt. Dudingston could have possibly seen and avoided the approaching hazard. But the shallowness of Namquid Point was masked by the high tide occurring just before the arrival of the ships. After having sailed from New York on the usual packet run, we know that Lindsey stopped at the Customs House in Newport on the morning of June 9th. No mention is made of Lindsey's having passengers or cargo on board the Hannah while he then traveled the relatively short distance from Newport to Providence. It is quite likely that the Hannah could be deliberately made light and fast to lure the pursuing Gaspee aground by offloading any such cargo in Newport, and giving him the opportunity to obtain last minute intelligence on the whereabouts of the Gaspee. If indeed this was his intent he probably had minimal crew aboard as well. All of this would have ensured a shallow draft to the Hannah when it purposely veered to the West across Namquid Point in order to entice Dudingston and the Gaspee to follow. The shallow draft of the packet allowed it to knowledgeably skirt over the sand bars that then trapped the pursuing Gaspee, and would have held it hard aground for the next twenty-four hours had she not been destroyed in the meantime.
After parting shots were exchanged (the crew of the Hannah mooned that of the Gaspee), Lindsey arrived in Providence about 5 pm, and he immediately reported the facts to his boss, John Brown, who concluded that the Gaspee would remain aground long enough for an attack to proceed. While we do not know the precise reference with which John Brown consulted for his tide and moon data, he had his brother Joseph Brown at hand, a well respected astronomer who could have easily provided the data needed.
Brown immediately set off his plan to attract others who would join
in destroying the Gaspee; he was not wanting for
volunteers.
It is amazing that he was able to quickly assemble a party of at least
64 men from the immediate Providence area to join in the attack that
must
surely have been recognized as an act of piracy and rebellion, and for
which, they could all be hung if caught. While the majority of
these
men met at Sabin's Tavern to prepare for the raid, Brown apparently
also
sent out word south to the seafaring town of Bristol. There,
Simeon
Potter, a fellow privateer, also was able to muster another longboat
and
crew to join up with the attack. It is confounding that this boat could
be arranged and crewed in such a short time without significant
preplanning.
Along the way, it is noted, Potter impressed into the raid, an
indentured servant
from
Prudence Island, Aaron Briggs who was later to turn state's evidence in
the subsequent investigation. <Staples,
p.63> Why bother? Briggs happened to be of mixed Indian
and Negro blood, a perfect candidate to further the Bristol crew's ruse
of being disguised as Indians.
It is also very interesting that news of the Gaspee's demise spread so quickly
within Rhode Island; it's almost as if it had been expected. From
the journal of Col. John Waterman in Coventry, RI, found in the RI
Historical Society (Benoni and John Waterman Family Papers. MSS
787: Box 2, Folder 3, page 2). Note that the journal entry was
written on the very day of the attack, presumably ten miles south from
the attack site.
Tide and Moon Timing Critical to Attack Planning
A most important piece of evidence is the curious conjunction of the
timing of the tides suitable to attract and ground the Gaspee
were
also perfectly timed to provide the cover of darkness for the ensuing
attack.
John Brown and Abraham Whipple, who together planned the raid, attacked
at about 12:45 a.m. on June 10th, which is pretty much exactly the time
of local moonset, thus making the attack veiled in darkness since no
moonlight
would be present. This timing would also, of course, ensure that
most of the crew of the
Gaspee were sound asleep as the longboats
approached. The luring of the Gaspee aground took place on a
Tuesday
afternoon, and the attack the following night, times not interfering
with
those who would object to violence on a Saturday or Sunday.
Commodore
Abraham Whipple from an old edition of Harper's Magazine.
Given the capabilities of the two men who planned the raid it is not surprising that the raid occurred within a perfectly timed scenario. But as noted before, John Brown had the personal experience of having run aground at Namquid Point, and knew the area well. Whipple's brilliance as a tactical commander was later proven, even more so, when during the Revolution, his ship single-handedly captured over ten British prize ships at once in 1779 by using subterfuge, posing as a fellow British ship escorting the hapless convoy to supply the British troops in the American colonies <See AbrahamWhipple.html>.
For more information on this tactical planning of the attack on the Gaspee, reference the Tide Chart for Providence, RI:
Latitude 41.807 Longitude -71.402 06/09/1772
to
06/10/1772 Local Standard Time
| Date | Day | High | feet | Low | feet | High | feet | Low | feet |
| 06/09/1772 | Tuesday | 01:57 | 4.63 | 07:20 | 0.03 | 14:31 | 5.11 | 20:02 | 0.36 |
| 06/10/1772 | Wednesday | 02:56 | 4.60 | 08:22 | -0.01 | 15:30 | 5.35 | 21:09 | 0.23 |
| Tuesday | 9 June 1772 | Eastern Standard Time | |
| SUN | MOON | ||
| Begin civil twilight | 3:36 a.m. | Moonrise | 11:49 a.m. preceding day |
| Sunrise | 4:10 a.m. | Moonset | 12:13 a.m. |
| Sun transit | 11:45 a.m. | Moonrise | 12:58 p.m. |
| Sunset | 7:20 p.m. | Moon transit | 6:57 p.m. |
| End civil twilight | 7:54 p.m. | Moonset | 12:47 a.m. following day |
| Wednesday | 10 June 1772 | Eastern Standard Time | |
| SUN | MOON | ||
| Begin civil twilight | 3:36 a.m. | Moonrise | 12:58 p.m. preceding day |
| Sunrise | 4:10 a.m. | Moonset | 12:47 a.m. |
| Sun transit | 11:45 a.m. | Moonrise | 2:09 p.m. |
| Sunset | 7:20 p.m. | Moon transit | 7:50 p.m. |
| End civil twilight | 7:55 p.m. | Moonset | 1:24 a.m. following day |
As to the moonlight present, Lieutenant Governor Darius Sessions stated in his testimony <Staples, p.57> that the moon had shown very brightly in Providence on the evening of June 9th at about 9 p.m.. This is logical, since according to calculations provided by the U.S. Naval Observatory Astronomical Applications Department: <http://aa.usno.navy.mil/>, the altitude of the moon in Providence at 9 p.m. on that date would have been at 35 degrees with about two-thirds of the moon illuminated. In Sessions' later deposition of the Gaspee crewmen <Staples, p.80>, they correctly answered that by the time of the initial attack at 12:45 a.m. the moon was down and that it was dark.
Willits D. Ansel <The Whaleboat. Mystic Seaport Museum, 1978> observes that the whaleboats of the day were the fastest oared boats used. The Mystic Seaport Museum ran some tests and found that the speed was about 5 miles an hour the first hour and 4 miles an hour with a crew that was not particularly tired from the rowing. Now, if we look at the different distances for boats leaving from Providence (6 miles against the tide) and Bristol (11 miles with the tide), traveling to Namquid Point, it would seem that someone really figured out the timing for when the boats needed to start rowing at sometime after 10 p.m. <Bowen in Staples, p13> to get to an attack at 12:45 a.m..
Most witnesses stated that the Gaspee was set afire some three hours after the attack had commenced, or just before dawn. According to our astronomical sources above, the 'crack of dawn' or civil twilight began at 3:36 a.m., with sunrise scheduled at 4:10 a.m. There was no Daylight Savings Time in the eighteenth century, so this sunrise would've been equivalent to a more familiar 5:10 a.m. EDT we would be experiencing in modern times.
The timing of the tides and moon during the Gaspee affair were almost perfect for the purposes of the attack that destroyed her. According to the sources listed above, such a conjunction of timing of the high tides and moonset would not have occurred again in Narragansett Bay until exactly one month later, on the night of July 9th into 10th, 1772. New moons for that period did not occur during compatible times for a favorable tide of the attack. An afternoon high tide followed by little or no moonlight situation in the early morning would have been in conjunction only about 7% of the dates from May through July, 1772. One can certainly wonder whether the day, time, and course of the Hannah when she left the docks of Newport for Providence were deliberately chosen well ahead of time for just the purpose for which she became famous......the destruction of the Gaspee. In fact, given the preponderance of evidence presented, it is most likely that it was all part of a well planned and executed trap conceived by John Brown, Abraham Whipple, and other Sons of Liberty several weeks beforehand.. The significance of this act cannot be underestimated, for rather than the attack on the Gaspee being simply a footnote in history, it was in fact the first deliberate use of force by colonists to strike America's "First Blow for Freedom"® <1966, Gaspee Days Committee, http://gaspee.com>.
Some years later, Abraham Whipple, newly appointed Commodore in the fledgling Continental Navy, daringly sailed into Newport harbor while the HMS Rose, commanded by Sir James Wallace, was out along the Connecticut coast. Whipple quickly proceeded to steal much of the British artillery on Goat Island, load it aboard his sloop, Katy (later the USS Providence), and transport the needed cannon back to Providence for use by Revolutionary forces <AbrahamWhipple.html>. The irate Wallace then fired off an angry note to his enemy:
You, Abraham Whipple, on the 10th of June, 1772, burned His Majesty's vessel, the Gaspee, and I will hang you at the yard-arm.Nonplused, Whipple replied with the now famous line:--James Wallace
To Sir James Wallace,Sir: Always catch a man before you hang him.
--Abraham Whipple
1. The Sons of Liberty have been long a victim of identity theft. During the Revolution some imitation groups sprung up under the guise of Sons of Liberty as scams to steal money from people. A 2003 internet search reveals that the term 'Sons of Liberty' is in the public domain. Several groups claim the name in various form--usually right wing or Christian fundamentalist groups, particularly those with an anti-taxation theme. It is highly doubtful any can be traced legitimately to the original Sons of Liberty.
References Cited: